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Culture and Politics in the Light of Recent Events
Doctor Who is a science-fiction television programme that originally ran on the BBC from 1963 to 1989. A television movie was co-produced with Universal Pictures in 1996, after which the series itself was revived starting in March 2005 in the United Kingdom and Australia, and in March 2006 in the United States on the Sci Fi Channel (and, as of 2009, BBC America). It is still in production as of 2010.Feel free to browse the wiki, it has many interesting articles not just about the Doctor Who series, but about its spin-offs Torchwood, The Sarah Jane Adventures, and K-9.
Doctor Who is about the adventures of a mysterious time-traveller known only as the Doctor. The Doctor travels through space and time in a craft known as the TARDIS, an acronym for "Time and Relative Dimension in Space". The Doctor is usually accompanied by one or more companions, who are often attractive females. The tone of the programme varies from serious to comic, from gothic horror to pantomime camp. The original Doctor Who series is fondly remembered among the general public both for frightening monsters (such as the Daleks and the Cybermen) and pioneering use of both electronic music and low-budget special effects.
BagehotIn praise of multiculturalismAlmost everyone now agrees that it has failed. Has it really?
Jun 14th 2007 | From The Economist print editionSteve O'Brian
SWEAR WORDS, like everything else, are subject to fashion. Since the London bombings of 2005, a new obscenity has entered the lexicon, alongside the anatomical and the blasphemous: multiculturalism. Once it connoted curry and the Notting Hill carnival; these days, when applied to British politicians or their policies, “multiculturalist” is almost as derogatory a term as “socialist” or “neocon”. Even more than they agree about most other things, the main political parties are united in their conviction that multiculturalism is a perniciously naive idea whose time has gone, or ought never to have come at all.
Last week, for example, David Cameron, the Tory leader, warned an unenraptured audience of Islamic leaders about the dangers of “cultural separatism” in Muslim communities. “The creed of multiculturalism,” he alleged—meaning, roughly, a combination of indulgence and subsidy for minorities and their institutions—had contributed to a “deliberate weakening of our collective identity”. Two Labour ministers, meanwhile, suggested the creation of an annual holiday to help cultivate a renewed sense of Britishness. A commission set up by the government last year, to advise on segregation and extremism, recommended this week that less money be spent on providing civic information in Urdu, Arabic and so on, and more on unmulticultural English lessons. The need to rethink Britishness for a post-multicultural age is a regular theme for Gordon Brown, the (Scottish) prime-minister-not-much-longer-in-waiting.
The shock of hearing a suicide-bomber's video testament delivered in a Yorkshire accent—hitherto more associated with cricket commentary than terrorism—spelled the end for multiculturalism. But even before the bombings the word was becoming a slur. Rioting by Asian youths across northern England in the summer of 2001 forced curry-house multiculturalists to confront the reality that government nonchalance had helped to engender. As well as the burned cars, they saw fossilised social mores and the angry alienation of second- and third-generation Pakistani and Bangladeshi immigrants, some of whom profess more allegiance to the global umma than to Britain.
All that is real, tragic and terrifying, and becomes more so with every blood-curdling terrorist plot that British police uncover. All the same, poor, deplored multiculturalism has been much less bad than its many detractors now claim.
There are three reasons why the legions of anti-multiculturalists are wrong. First, left to their own devices many immigrants to Britain have prospered. Indians and some other minorities do better than whites in schools. There are many types of British Muslims, and some of them are moving up and out. The 2005 bombers, it now seems, were shaped and motivated as much by strife within Muslim communities—fanatical Islamism serving as a perverse form of intergenerational rebellion—as by schisms between Muslims and wider British society. Nor have immigration and multiculturalism led to so very much restlessness among the natives. The nasty, if clownish, British National Party has occasionally picked up the odd council seat, but it is a piffling force compared with far-right outfits elsewhere in Europe.
Second, multiculturalism's detractors tend to concentrate on the easy targets. It is plainly true, for example, that Britain should anathemise egregious practices such as forced marriage or “honour killing”. That government commission and others are right to emphasise English lessons, especially for women, since an inability to speak it harms their children's prospects as well as their own. The commission is right again to imply that too much funding has historically and divisively been offered to community groups that cater to only one ethnicity or religion. (The commission also advocated better cultural preparation for new arrivals, for example to help them understand the British philosophy of queuing and thus avoid ruckuses at bus-stops and post offices.) But less tends to be said about what, in the end, are the most important determinants of segregation, namely housing and education. “Multicultural” policies—letting people, by and large, live and educate their children where they like—may have inadvertently created neighbourhoods and schools in which almost every face is the same colour. But as well as being illiberal, most of the alternatives would probably create more trouble and anger than they prevent.
Americans in glass houses
Finally—and for all the disparaging talk about Londonistan, capital of Eurabia—other countries, including those where the disparagement of multiculturalism is sharpest, have less to teach Britain about integration than is often assumed. That is partly because they have failures too, and partly because their circumstances are too different to be meaningfully compared. Mr Cameron talked admiringly about the American solidarity embodied in the pledge of allegiance and Mount Rushmore. Yet in Chicago and elsewhere, black Americans are more ghettoised than any minority is anywhere in Britain (they also intermarry less than blacks in Britain). Slavery, of course, makes black Americans a special case—but so are any number of British Muslims. Many are refugees; others are from families who migrated to the old imperial motherland from backward parts of Pakistan and Bangladesh, to work in British factories that subsequently closed. Many of their American counterparts may indeed stick the Stars and Stripes on their front lawn as devoutly as do other hyphenated Americans; but, apart from their faith, they may not have much in common with the Muslims of Burnley or Oldham.
The vogue for promoting a new, inclusive Britishness is well-intentioned, but probably doomed. National identities cannot be confected—and besides, the British already have one. Privacy and freedom are two of its nicer components, and multiculturalism, for all its failings, has been a fine expression of it.
From The Times
Tide turns as Poles end great migration
Alexi Mostrous and Christine Seib
February 16, 2008
Polish builder Aric Jenac, 33, building at a home in London (Susannah Ireland / The Times)
A wave of immigration that helped to fuel Britain’s early 21st century boom is over, as the Polish plumber and thousands like him go home. The Times has established that, for the first time since they began arriving en masse four years ago, more UK-based Poles are returning to their homeland than are entering Britain. Statistics show that only 38,680 Poles signed up to the Government’s register of migrant workers in the third quarter of 2007, a slump of 18 per cent from the previous year. Polish officials say that Poles leaving the country outnumber thoses coming in.
Hard statistics on the number of Poles leaving Britain do not exist. There are no embarkation controls on EU members so they are are not counted out. But Polish officials, British employment agencies and the Polish media all believe that the tide of immigration has turned. Since Poland joined the EU in 2004, 274,065 Poles have signed up for work permits. They make up 66 per cent of all applications from Eastern European countries. But a combination of tightening economic conditions in this country, a comparatively weak pound and an unprecendented surge in the Polish economy has made it unattractive for Poles to remain. “At the end of last year we saw the tipping point,” Krzysztof Trepczynski, Minister for Economic Development at the Polish Embassy in London, said. “It’s a real change. There are now definitely more Poles going back to Poland.
Jan Mokrzycki, president of the Federation of Poles in Great Britain, said: “The first thing that’s been hit is the builders. There’s no doubt about it. Many aren’t prepared to wait for the construction boom that’s going to happen for the Olympics in 2012. “Also, the Polish economy is experiencing an upturn. The zloty is at a high and although we’re experiencing inflation here and in Poland, it’s not as noticable in Poland because the currency is strong.” Half of the estimated one million British-based Poles are expected to return home, said the Centre for International Relations, a Warsaw-based think-tank.
Chris Zietkowski, 34, a Polish painter and decorator, told The Times that he wanted to return home this year. “Two years ago I could make five times the amount of money here than I could in Poland,” he said. “Now the wages are about the same and the living costs in the UK are much higher. There is a lot of work in Poland, probably more than in the UK. It’s a good time to go back.” Mr Zietkowski added that many of his friends were also thinking about returning. “The feeling is: why be away from your family and your home-land for no reason?”
The tide of immigration prompted supermarkets to introduce ranges of Polish products as they sought to tap into the substantial spending power of the new arrivals. Polish newspapers and radio stations sprang up. Libraries started stocking Polish books. The young immigrants, most of whom were aged between 18 and 25, quickly infiltrated the building and plumbing industries, drawing praise for their work ethic and low prices. Last year’s downturn in the British building industry has prompted many to return home.
Kasia Popyla, 23, is a student physio-therapist who has just returned to Poland. “I used to make £800 per month,” she said. “Since the summer I’ve watched the zloty value of my savings, which are in pounds, fall lower and lower. “At the end of the day we are Polish, we left in our early 20s and are coming back to get married and watch our kids grow up in Poland.”
Cost of living743,000 Eastern Europeans applied to register for British jobs between 2004 and 2007468,000 Poles successfully applied, 66 per cent of the applications1 million Poles estimated to have migrated to Britain£1 equals 7.23 Polish zloty (2004)£1 equals 4.83 Polish zloty (2008)8% of Poles left the country in the past three years, fleeing 16 per cent unemployment£800 Polish monthly average wage (2003)£1,967 English monthly average wage (2003)Source: Home Office and Poland’s statistic office